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What’s in my bag January 1, 2013 no Timbuk2 🙁
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Image by Do8y
As much as it pains me, I had to replace my favourite Timbuk2 messenger bags. I have mentioned previously (www.flickr.com/photos/beorn_ours/7988163639/) that I had an elbow injury which had me get rid of the Laptop. At this time I was using the messenger bag because none of the below had happened yet:
– I noticed that the messenger bag was hard to put on without exerting strain on the not yet completely healed elbow (taking it off was no problem at all)
– some tasks/functions I took on at work required me to use some Mac OS X grade software and as much as I like my iPad, it simply did not have those (some of them requiring advanced file management and file encryption)

So I had to switch to a backpack – I found out that putting it on and off is much less of a strain on my elbow as I previously thought. Naturally, I bought a Timbuk2 backpack – a custom Swig Backpack. I had several major issues with it. Those are things that might not affect everyone who will use this backpack, but for me, they make the Swig unusable:
– the Swig is one size and fits a 15 inch MacBook Pro such as the one above, but getting it out trough the swig side opening is almost impossible – it is a real fight to do that and this is not the aim of this bag
– this backpack has VERY FEW organisation possibilities, the result being that all the things (and I really haven’t got that much anymore) are ending in a big bulk at the bottom of the bag making weight distribution impossible and creating a bulging lump on your back.

Looking at further backpack possibilities from Timbuk2 was not an option for me (delivery time of a couple of days was too long to wait as I had to lug the laptop already), although I found later that they do have something that would be better for my needs – Showdown Laptop Backpack. By then I have already given out quite a few bucks for Timbuk2 bags and did not want to risk it.

Then I went on a hunt for a good backpack – nothing in Zurich, Switzerland could answer any of my very specific needs. There were some really good bags and some interesting backpacks, but nothing as good in matter of organisation pockets as the backpack by Thule I found in the Apple online and then retail store. The product name is Crossover 25L MacBook Backpack – Black (www.thule.com/en/CH/Products/Luggage/DaypacksAndMessenger…) – do not trust the picture – it looks much more bloated in this picture than it is in real life as the producer was trying to show the total volume of, rather than to stress the really low profile this backpack has when on your back.

It has a vertical front pocket for my Kindle, sometimes my Moleskine is there for quick access to jot down notes while on my commute. Side pockets could hold a water bottle (half a litre bottles and even half a litre cans fit fine, although even my smallest SIGG bottle doesn’t, which is why I don’t carry any water currently), but I carry there keys, hand sanitizer and lip balm – the things I need immediate access to when out and about.

The front compartment has a mesh pocket for my wallet interdental brush and medicine tin. There is a very good plastic reinforced mesh pocket for my cables and SD cards.

The main compartment has got a good volume, but a narrow base so that it doesn’t sag when all the contents fall to the bottom. To allow you to distribute the weight vertically, without it all amassing at the bottom you have the side straps to compress the volume of the main compartment.

At the bottom of the laptop holder you have a very good padding so that you can put your backpack down without worrying what you’re doing to you laptop by doing so.

The shoulder straps are not padded and basically were the only thing that made me a bit hesitant when buying the bag, but they turned out to be very comfortable. There are a two carrying handles – one at the bottom and of course one at the top, in case you have the bag lying in some overhead compartment and you have to pull it out – you can do so no matter the position it is in.

NOW, we come to my favourite feature in this bag (after the reinforced mesh pocket and the vertical front pocket) – I call it the safe storage compartment, THULE calls it "Heat-molded, crush proof SafeZone™ compartment protects your sunglasses, iPhone, portable electronics and other fragile gear". It is really great for keeping this small piece of equipment that you do not want to be crushed or scratched by the rest of the things you cary. In my case what I put there are the Canon PowerShot SX260 HS camera and my brand new portable HDD LaCie Porsche design P9223 Slim 500GB.

So there, I hope all the above could be useful for someone who like me has a the need to transport a laptop everyday and has to ensure that putting this on and off one’s back is exerting as little strain as possible on both arms and back.

Barrie Antiques Centre, Barrie, Ontario, Canada
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Image by antefixus21
A short excerpt from an article entitled ‘Royal Pains – What’s in a Dame?’ in the Nov. 2015 Town and Country magazine. Pages 210-211.

Britain’s honors system, founded on more rugged battlefields, has been around since the a Middle Ages. Norman Kings bestowed knighthoods, orders of chivalry, and heraldry titles as part of England’s feudal government, replacing the Anglo Saxon tradition of rewarding faithful service and gallantry in battle with grants of land, money, or weapons. Until the early 19th. century British chivalric orders were dispensed only to members of the aristocracy (heraldry dukes, earls, Marquise’s, and barons) and distinguished military figures.
These days Britain’s system consists of six main orders of chivalry, each with its own ranks (as many as seven) and two orders of merit. They all have the statutes that dictate the size and colors of the corresponding insignia (badges, stars, ribbons, and sashes) ; how, when, and where they are worn; and post-nominal abbreviations. One of the cardinal rules of the current system is that British titles cannot be bought. Titles were blatantly sold by William the Conquerer during the 11th. century, and again in 1917, when the going rate for a knighthood was 10,000 pounds and a hereditary baronetcy could be purchased for a whopping 40,000 pounds.
Today, in order of seniority and prestige, the chivalric orders are: the Most Noble Order of the Garter (relating to England and Wales); the Most Ancient and Most Noble Order of the Thistle (for Scotland); the Most Honourable Order of the Bath (for Senior Civil Servants and military officers); the Most Distinguished Order of Saint Michael and Saint George (diplomats and colonial servants); the Royal Victorian Order (for services to the crown); the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire (for miscellaneous military and civil services). Foe snob value no honor outranks the Most Noble of the Garter, Britain’s oldest order of chivalry. Founder in 1344, it is awarded at the sovereign’s pleasure, as a personal gift, and is limited to the monarch, the Prince of Wales, and 24 members, known as Knights Companions or Ladies Companions.
To some ears "Garter" is a comical name for such a coveted prize. According to the legend it was begun after "a trivial mishap" at a court ball when King Edward III was dancing with his alleged mistress Joan, Countess of Salisbury. When her garter slithered to her ankle, nearby courtiers sniggered at her humiliation. The king, in an act of chivalry, stooped to pick up the garter and affix it to his own knee, declaring in French, "Honi soit qui mal y pense. Tel qui s’en rit aujourd’hui, s’honorerea de la porter," or "Shame on him who thinks evil of it. Those who laugh at it today will be proud to wear it in the future."
The Garter has for centuries been awarded to distinguished statesmen and military figures like the dashing Earl of Moubtbatten, who was appointed to the order in 1946. By the mid-1950’s, however, some knights complained that standards were slipping. "The trouble with the Order of the Garter these days," the 7th. Duke of Wellington remarked, "is that it is full of field marshals and people who do their own washing-up." To me, it was an excellent article. Unfortunately I could not locate the author’s name.

Garter Day: www.flickr.com/photos/britishmonarchy/albums/721576447897…

Honi Soit Qui Mal Y Pense – Empire. "Shame on him who thinks ill of it".


A possible seal for sealing envelopes with sealing wax. I didn’t look at it closely. Who knows, it may be a broken spoon fixed to a base. I’ll have to return. I returned and it looks like a sealing stamp.

K.G. – The Most Noble Order of the Garter –

The Most Noble Order of the Garter is an English order of chivalry with a history stretching back to medieval times; today it is the world’s oldest national order of knighthood in continuous existence and the pinnacle of the British honours system. Its membership is extremely limited, consisting of the Sovereign and not more than twenty-five full members, or Companions. Male members are known as Knights Companions, whilst female members are known as Ladies Companions (not Dames, as in most other British chivalric orders). The Order can also include certain extra members (members of the British Royal Family and foreign monarchs), known as "Supernumerary" Knights and Ladies. The Sovereign alone grants membership of the Order; the Prime Minister does not tender binding advice as to appointments, as he or she does for most other orders.

As the name suggests, the Order’s primary emblem is a garter bearing the motto "Honi soit qui mal y pense" (which means "Shame on him who thinks ill of it") in gold letters. The Garter is an actual accessory worn by the members of the Order during ceremonial occasions; it is also depicted on several insignia.

Most British orders of chivalry cover the entire kingdom, but the three most exalted ones each pertain to one constituent nation only. The Order of the Garter, which pertains to England, is most senior in both age and precedence; its equivalent in Scotland is The Most Ancient and Most Noble Order of the Thistle. Whilst the Order of the Thistle was certainly in existence by the sixteenth century and possibly has medieval origins (or even, according to more fanciful legends, dates to the eighth century), the foundation of the institution in its modern form dates only to 1687. In 1783 an Irish equivalent, The Most Illustrious Order of St Patrick, was founded, but since the independence of the greater part of Ireland the Order has fallen dormant (its last surviving knight died in 1974).


The Order was founded circa 1348 by Edward III as "a society, fellowship and college of knights." Various more precise dates ranging from 1344 to 1351 have been proposed; the wardrobe account of Edward III first shows Garter habits issued in the autumn of 1348. At any rate, the Order was most probably not constituted before 1346; the original statutes required that each member admitted to the Order already be a knight (what would today be called a knight bachelor), and several initial members of the Order were first knighted in that year.

Various legends have been set forth to explain the origin of the Order. The most popular one involves the "Countess of Salisbury" (it may refer to Joan of Kent, the King’s future daughter-in-law, or to her then mother-in-law, whom Edward is known to have admired). Whilst she was dancing with the King at Eltham Palace, her garter is said to have slipped from her leg to the floor. When the surrounding courtiers sniggered, the King picked it up and tied it to his own leg, exclaiming "Honi soit qui mal y pense." (The French may be loosely translated as "Shame on him who thinks ill of it"; it has become the motto of the Order.) According to another myth, Richard I, whilst fighting in the Crusades, was inspired by St George to tie garters around the legs of his knights; Edward III supposedly recalled the event, which led to victory, when he founded the Order.


Sovereign and Knights

Since its foundation, the Order of the Garter has included the Sovereign and Knights Companions. The Sovereign of the United Kingdom serves as Sovereign of the Order.

Queen Elizabeth II in Garter Robes
The Prince of Wales is explicitly mentioned in the Order’s statutes and is by convention created a Knight Companion; aside from him, there may be up to twenty-four other Knights Companions. In the early days of the Order, women (who could not be knighted), were sometimes associated with the Order under the name "Ladies of the Garter," but they were not full companions. Henry VII, however, ended the practice, creating no more Ladies of the Garter after his mother Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Derby (appointed in 1488).

Thereafter, the Order was exclusively male (except, of course, for the occasional female Sovereign) until 1901, when Edward VII created Queen Alexandra (his wife) a Lady of the Garter. Throughout the 20th century women continued to be admitted to the Order, but, except for foreign female monarchs, they were not full members of the Order until 1987, when it became possible, under a statute of Elizabeth II, to appoint "Ladies Companions."

In addition to the regular Knights and Ladies Companions, the Sovereign can also appoint "Supernumerary Knights". This concept was introduced in 1786 by George III so that his many sons would not count towards the limit of twenty-five companions set by the statutes; in 1805, he extended the category so that any descendant of George II could be created a Supernumerary Knight. Since 1831, the exception applies to all descendents of George I. Such companions, when appointed, are sometimes known as "Royal Knights."

From time to time, foreign monarchs have also been admitted to the Order; and for two centuries they also have not counted against the limit of twenty-five companions, being (like the Royal Knights aforementioned), supernumerary. Formerly, each such extra creation required the enactment of a special statute; this was first done in 1813, when Alexander I, Emperor of Russia was admitted to the Order. Many European monarchs are in fact descended from George I and can be appointed supernumerarily as such, but a statute of 1954 authorizes the regular admission of foreign Knights and Ladies without further special statutes irrespective of descent. The appellation "Stranger Knights," which dates to the middle ages, is sometimes applied to foreign monarchs in the Order of the Garter.

Generally, only foreign monarchs are made Stranger Knights or Ladies; when The Rt Hon. Sir Ninian Stephen (an Australian citizen) and Sir Edmund Hillary (from New Zealand) joined the Order, they did so as Knights Companions in the normal fashion. The British Sovereign is the head of state of both these countries, which were formerly British colonies.

Formerly, whenever vacancies arose, the Knights would conduct an "election," wherein each Knight voted for nine candidates (of which three had to be of the rank of Earl or above, three of the rank of Baron or above, and three of the rank of Knight or above). The Sovereign would then choose as many individuals as were necessary to fill the vacancies; he or she was not bound to choose the receivers of the greatest number of votes. Victoria dispensed with the procedure in 1862; thereafter, all appointments were made solely by the Sovereign. From the eighteenth century onwards, the Sovereign made his or her choices upon the advice of the Government. George VI felt that the Orders of the Garter and the Thistle had become too linked with political patronage; in 1946, with the agreement of the Prime Minister (Clement Attlee) and the Leader of the Opposition (Winston Churchill), he returned these two orders to the personal gift of the Sovereign.

Knights of the Garter could also be degraded by the Sovereign, who normally took such an action in response to serious crimes such as treason. The last degradation was that of James Butler, 2nd Duke of Ormonde, who had participated in the Jacobite Rebellion and had been convicted upon impeachment, in 1716. During the First World War, Knights who were monarchs of enemy nations were removed by the "annulment" of their creations; Knights Companions who fought against the United Kingdom were "struck off" the Rolls. All such annulments were made in 1915.

The Knights who were removed were:
Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria
William II, Emperor of Germany
Ernst August, 3rd Duke of Cumberland
Prince Albert William Henry of Prussia
Ernest, Grand Duke of Hesse and the Rhine
William, Crown Prince of Germany
William II, King of Württemberg
The only Knight Companion to be struck off the Rolls was Prince Charles Edward, 2nd Duke of Albany.

Poor Knights

At the original establishment of the Order, twenty-six "Poor Knights" were appointed and attached to the Order and its chapel at St. George’s Chapel, Windsor. The number was not always maintained; by the seventeenth century, there were just thirteen Poor Knights. At his restoration, Charles II increased the number to eighteen. After they objected to being termed "poor", William IV renamed them the Military Knights of Windsor.

Poor Knights were originally impoverished military veterans. They were required to pray daily for the Sovereign and Knights Companions; in return, they received a salary, and were lodged in Windsor Castle. Today the Military Knights, who are no longer necessarily poor, but are still military pensioners, participate in the Order’s processions, escorting the Knights and Ladies of the Garter, and in the daily services in St George’s Chapel. They are not actually members of the Order itself, nor are they necessarily actual knights: indeed few if any have been knights.


The Order of the Garter has six officers:
the Prelate
the Chancellor
the Registrar
the King of Arms
the Usher
the Secretary
The offices of Prelate, Registrar and Usher were created upon the Order’s foundation; the offices of King of Arms and Chancellor were created during the fifteenth century, and that of Secretary during the twentieth.

The office of Prelate is held by the Bishop of Winchester, traditionally one of the senior bishops of the Church of England. The office of Chancellor was formerly held by the Bishop of the diocese within which Windsor fell— at one point, the Bishop of Salisbury, but after boundary changes the Bishop of Oxford. Later, the field was widened so that, for example, the Stuart courtier Sir James Palmer served as Chancellor from 1645 although he was neither a prelate nor even a companion (although he was a Knight Bachelor). Today, however, one of the companions serves as Chancellor. The Dean of Windsor is, ex officio, the Registrar.

Garter King of Arms is the head of the College of Arms (England’s heraldic authority) and thus the "principal" herald for all England (along with Wales and Northern Ireland). As his title suggests, he also has specific duties as the heraldic officer of the Order of the Garter, attending to the companions’ crests and coats of arms, which are exhibited in the Order’s chapel (see below). The modern (1904) office of Secretary has also been filled by a professional herald.

The Order’s Usher is the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod. He is also the Serjeant-at-Arms of the House of Lords (although his functions there are more often performed by his deputy, the Yeoman Usher). The title of his office comes from his staff of office, the Black Rod.

Vestments and accoutrements

Sovereign and Knights

For the Order’s great occasions, such as its annual service each June in Windsor Castle, as well for coronations, the Companions wear an elaborate costume:

Today Knights of the Garter wear their distinctive habits over ordinary suits or military uniforms. For the coronation of George IV in 1821, this version of Jacobean dress was devised.
Most importantly (although hardly visible), the Garter is a buckled velvet strap worn around the left calf by men and on the left arm by women. Originally light blue, today the Garter is dark blue. Those presented to Stranger Knights were once set with several jewels. The Garter bears the Order’s motto in gold majuscules.
The mantle is a blue velvet robe. Knights and Ladies Companions have worn mantles, or coats, since the reign of Henry VII. Once made of wool, they had come to be made of velvet by the sixteenth century. The mantle was originally purple, but varied during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries between celestial blue, pale blue, royal blue, dark blue, violet and ultramarine. Today, mantles are dark blue in colour, and are lined with white taffeta. The mantles of the Sovereign and members of the Royal Family end in trains. Sewn onto the left shoulder of the mantle is a shield bearing St George’s cross, encircled by a Garter; the Sovereign’s mantle is slightly different, showing instead a representation of the star of the Order (see below). Attached to the mantle over the right shoulder are a crimson velvet
hood and surcoat, which have lost all function over time and appear to the modern observer simply as a splash of colour. Today the mantle, which includes two large gold tassels, is worn over a regular suit or military uniform.
The hat is of black velvet, and bears a plume of white ostrich and black heron feathers.
Like the mantle, the collar was introduced during Henry VII’s reign. Made of pure gold, it weighs 30 troy ounces (0.93 kilogram). The collar is composed of gold knots alternating with enamelled medallions showing a rose encircled by the blue garter. During Henry VII’s reign, each garter surrounded two roses—one red and one white—but he later changed the design, such that each garter now encircles just one red rose. The collar is worn around the neck, over the mantle.
The George, a three-dimensional figurine of St George on horseback slaying a dragon, colourfully enamelled, is worn suspended from the collar.

Queen Victoria wearing the Garter around her arm.
Aside from these special occasions, however, much simpler insignia are used whenever a member of the Order attends an event at which decorations are worn.
The star, introduced by Charles I, is an eight-pointed silver badge; in its centre is an enamel depiction of the cross of St George, surrounded by the Garter. (Each of the eight points is depicted as a cluster of rays, with the four points of the cardinal directions longer than the intermediate ones.) It is worn pinned to the left breast. Formerly, the stars given to foreign monarchs were often inlaid with jewels. (Since the Order of the Garter is the UK’s senior order, a member will wear its star above that of other orders to which he or she belongs; up to four orders’ stars may be worn.)
The broad riband, introduced by Charles II, is a four inch wide sash, worn from the left shoulder to the right hip. (Depending on the other clothing worn, it either passes over the left shoulder, or is pinned beneath it.) The riband’s colour has varied over the years; it was originally light blue, but was a dark shade under the Hanoverian monarchs. In 1950, the colour was fixed as "kingfisher blue". (Only one riband is worn at a time, even if a Knight or Lady belongs to several orders.)
The badge (sometimes known as the Lesser George) hangs from the riband at the right hip, suspended from a small

Insignia of the Order of the Garter
gold link (formerly, before Charles II introduced the broad riband, it was around the neck). Like the George, it shows St George slaying the dragon, but it is flatter and monochromatically gold. In the fifteenth century, the Lesser George was usually worn attached to a ribbon around the neck. As this was not convenient when riding a horse, the custom of wearing it under the right arm developed.
However, on certain "collar days" designated by the Sovereign, members attending formal events may wear the Order’s collar over their military uniform or eveningwear. The collar is fastened to the shoulders with silk ribbons. They will then substitute the broad riband of another order to which they belong (if any), since the Order of the Garter is represented by the collar.

Upon the death of a Knight or Lady, the insignia must be returned to the Central Chancery of the Orders of Knighthood. The badge and star are returned personally to the Sovereign by the nearest male relative of the deceased.

Poor Knights

Poor Knights originally wore red mantles, each of which bore the cross of St George, but did not depict the Garter. Elizabeth I replaced the mantles with blue and purple gowns, but Charles I returned to the old red mantles. When the Poor Knights were renamed Military Knights, the mantles were abandoned. Instead, the Military Knights of Windsor now wear the old military uniform of an "army officer on the unattached list": black trousers, a scarlet coat, a cocked hat with a plume, and a sword on a white sash.


The officers of the Order also have ceremonial vestments and other accoutrements that they wear and carry for the Order’s annual service. The Prelate’s and Chancellor’s mantles are blue, like that of the knights (but since the Chancellor is now a member of the Order, he simply wears a knight’s mantle), those of other officers crimson; all are embroidered with a shield bearing the Cross of St George. Garter King of Arms wears his tabard.

Assigned to each officer of the Order is a distinctive badge that he wears on a chain around his neck; each is surrounded by a representation of the garter. The Prelate’s badge depicts St George slaying a dragon; the Garter within which it is depicted is surmounted by a bishop’s mitre. The Chancellor’s badge is a rose encircled by the Garter. The badge of Garter Principal King of Arms depicts the royal arms impaled (side-by-side) with the cross of St George. The Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod’s badge depicts a knot within the Garter. The Registrar has a badge of a crown above two crossed quills, the Secretary two crossed quills in front of a rose.

The Chancellor of the Order bears a purse, embroidered with the royal arms, containing the Seal of the Order. The Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod carries his staff of office, the Black Rod. At the Order’s great occasions, Garter Principal King of Arms bears his baton of office as a king of arms; he does not usually wear his crown.


The Chapel of the Order is St. George’s Chapel, Windsor, located in the Lower Ward of Windsor Castle. It was founded for

At the order’s annual gathering and service, the sovereign and companions — such as George VI and Queen Elizabeth, shown here — process through Windsor Castle to St. George’s chapel.
the Order in 1475. The order once held frequent services at the Chapel, but they became rare in the eighteenth century. Discontinued after 1805, the ceremony was revived by George VI in 1948 and it has become an annual event. On a certain day each June, the members of the Order (wearing their ceremonial vestments and insignia) meet in the state apartments in the Upper Ward of Windsor Castle, then (preceded by the Military Knights) process on foot down through the castle to St George’s Chapel for the service. If there are any new knights, they are installed on this occasion. After the service, the members of the Order return to the Upper Ward by carriage.

Each member of the Order, including the Sovereign, is allotted a stall in the quire of the chapel, above which his or her heraldic devices are displayed. Perched on the pinnacle of a knight’s stall is his helm, decorated with a mantling and topped by his crest. Under English heraldic law, women other than monarchs do not bear helms or crests; instead, the coronet appropriate to the Lady’s rank is used (see coronet). The crests of the Sovereign and Stranger Knights who are monarchs sit atop their crowns, which are themselves perched on their helms. Below each helm, a sword is displayed.

Above the crest or coronet, the knight’s or lady’s heraldic banner is hung, emblazoned with his or her coat of arms. At a considerably smaller scale, to the back of the stall is affixed a piece of brass (a "stall plate") displaying its occupant’s name, arms and date of admission into the Order.

Upon the death of a Knight, the banner, helm, mantling, crest (or coronet or crown) and sword are taken down. No other newly admitted Knight may be assigned the stall until (after the funeral of the late Knight or Lady) a ceremony marking his or her death is observed at the chapel, during which Military Knights of Windsor carry the banner of the deceased Knight and offer it to the Dean of Windsor, who places it upon the altar. The stall plates, however, are not removed; rather, they remain permanently affixed somewhere about the stall, so the stalls of the chapel are festooned with a colourful record of the Order’s Knights (and now Ladies) throughout history.

Precedence and privileges

Knights and Ladies of the Garter are assigned positions in the order of precedence, coming before all others of knightly rank, and above baronets. (See order of precedence in England and Wales for the exact positions.) Wives, sons, daughters and

The arms of Knights and Ladies (as well as the Sovereign) may be encircled by the Garter.
daughters-in-law of Knights of the Garter also feature on the order of precedence; relatives of Ladies of the Garter, however, are not assigned any special precedence. (Generally, individuals can derive precedence from their fathers or husbands, but not from their mothers or wives.)

The Chancellor of the Order is also assigned precedence, but this is purely academic since today the Chancellor is always also a Knight Companion, with a higher position by that virtue.

(In fact, it is unclear whether the Chancellor’s tabled precedence has ever come into effect, since under the old system the office was filled by a diocesan bishop of the Church of England, who again had higher precedence by virtue of that office than any that the Chancellorship could bestow on him.)

Knights Companions prefix "Sir," and Ladies Companions prefix "Lady," to their forenames. Wives of Knights Companions may prefix "Lady" to their surnames, but no equivalent privilege exists for husbands of Ladies Companions. Such forms are not used by peers and princes, except when the names of the former are written out in their fullest forms.

Knights and Ladies use the post-nominal letters "KG" and "LG," respectively. When an individual is entitled to use multiple post-nominal letters, KG or LG appears before all others, except "Bt" (Baronet), "VC" (Victoria Cross) and "GC" (George Cross).

The Sovereign, Knights and Ladies Companions and Supernumerary Knights and Ladies may encircle their arms with a representation of the Garter; and since it is Britain’s highest order of knighthood, the Garter will tend to be displayed in preference to the insignia of any other order, unless there is special reason to highlight a junior one. (They may further encircle the Garter with a depiction of Order’s collar, but this very elaborate version is seldom seen.) Stranger Knights, of course, do not embellish the arms they use at home with foreign decorations such as the Garter; likewise, while the UK Royal Arms as used in England are encircled by the Garter, in Scotland they are surrounded by the circlet of the Order of the Thistle instead. (In Wales and Northern Ireland, the English pattern is followed.)

Knights and Ladies are also entitled to receive heraldic supporters. These are relatively rare among private individuals in the UK. While some families claim supporters by ancient use and others have been granted them as a special reward, only peers, Knights and Ladies of the Garter and Thistle, and Knights and Dames Grand Cross and Knights Grand Commanders of certain junior orders are entitled to claim an automatic grant of supporters (upon payment of the appropriate fees to the College of Arms).

Current members and officers
Sovereign: HM The Queen
Knights and Ladies Companions:
HRH The Prince of Wales KG KT GCB OM AK QSO PC ADC (1958)
His Grace The Duke of Grafton KG DL (1976)
The Rt Hon. The Lord Richardson of Duntisbourne KG MBE TD PC DL (1983)
The Rt Hon. The Lord Carrington KG GCMG CH MC PC JP DL (1985)
His Grace The Duke of Wellington KG LVO OBE MC DL (1990)
Field Marshal The Rt Hon. The Lord Bramall KG GCB OBE MC JP (1990)
The Rt Hon. The Viscount Ridley KG GCVO TD (1992)
The Rt Hon. The Lord Sainsbury of Preston Candover KG (1992)
The Rt Hon. The Lord Ashburton KG KCVO DL (1994)
The Rt Hon. The Lord Kingsdown KG PC (1994)
The Rt Hon. Sir Ninian Stephen KG AK GCMG GCVO KBE (1994)
The Rt Hon. The Baroness Thatcher LG OM PC FRS (1995)
Sir Edmund Hillary KG ONZ KBE (1995)
Sir Timothy Colman KG JP (1996)
His Grace The Duke of Abercorn Bt KG (1999)
Sir William Gladstone of Fasque and Balfour Bt KG DL (1999)
Field Marshal The Rt Hon. The Lord Inge KG GCB DL (2001)
Sir Antony Arthur Acland KG GCMG GCVO (2001)
His Grace The Duke of Westminster KG OBE TD DL (2003)
The Rt Hon. The Lord Butler of Brockwell KG GCB CVO PC (2003)
The Rt Hon. The Lord Morris of Aberavon KG PC QC (2003)
The Rt Hon. Sir John Major KG CH (2005)
The Rt Hon. The Lord Bingham of Cornhill KG PC (2005)
The Rt Hon. The Lady Soames LG DBE (2005)
(one vacancy following the death of The Rt Hon. Sir Edward Heath KG MBE)

Royal Knights and Ladies (supernumerary knights and ladies descended from George I):
HRH The Duke of Edinburgh KG KT OM GBE AC QSO PC (1947)
HRH The Duke of Kent KG GCMG GCVO (1985)
HRH The Princess Royal LG LT GCVO QSO (1994)
HRH The Duke of Gloucester KG GCVO (1997)
HRH Princess Alexandra, The Honourable Lady Ogilvy LG GCVO (2003)

Stranger Knights and Ladies:
HRH Grand Duke Jean sometime Grand Duke of Luxembourg (1972)
HM The Queen of Denmark (1979)
HM The King of Sweden (1983)
HM The King of Spain (1988)
HM The Queen of the Netherlands (1989)
HIM The Emperor of Japan (1998)
HM The King of Norway (2001)

Prelate: The Rt Revd Michael Scott-Joynt (Lord Bishop of Winchester)
Chancellor: The Rt Hon. The Lord Carrington KG GCMG CH MC PC DL
Registrar: The Rt Revd David Conner (Dean of St George’s Chapel, Windsor)
King of Arms: Peter Llewellyn Gwynn-Jones Esq. CVO (Garter Principal King of Arms)
Secretary: Patric Dickinson Esq. CVO (Richmond Herald)
Usher: Lt-Gen. Sir Michael Willcocks KCB (Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod).

Try this beam of Masonic light:

Vividly liquid and the golden Feel, Eastern Sierra Ca
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Image by ™ Pacheco
I watched an old documentary on Ansel Adams recently…. for the first time.
I’ve never been the kind of person to get caught up in glorifying other peoples work…. or even getting obsessed with what they have accomplished, as wonderful as their work may be. I think we’re all that special. Having said that, I have great respect for art, hard work and the real people who have obviously perused that dream, in spite of all things and regardless of cost. Adams would undoubtedly fall into this category and I admire and appreciate his work with great awe. I have my heroes, some known and some unknown, some alive and some dead. Perhaps even YOU! Comparing my own work is natural I guess. We all were influenced by something or other. Our own personal course slightly steered this way or that way over time by some unseen force. "The dream is real!" Ultimately folks, we’re all headin down the same rabbit hole. I was captured by David Muench at a very young age… i came across a book of his and I drooled all over it. I still do actually. My eyes were glued to the pages…. The lines, the contrast, the colors. Page after page. Better than any photography course out there, IMO. And at a glimpse, I was hooked. That began my journey as a photographer, and it’s been quite the "twankly" journey so far…. hardly begun really…. one fraught with many twists and turns, ups and downs, highs and lows. Seems I also caught the music bug at a very young age… which ultimately sent me spinning thru the world of the music business, managers, lawyers and sharks… OH My. I took Opera lessons for years, obsessed with training my vocals cords in much the same way I’m sure Ansel trained his dodging and burning techniques. I signed a solo record deal with Virgin records in my late 20’s, a monumental feat for me, one that took the better part of a decade’s work, only to watch it vanish in the blink of an eye, I toured the world, I met my childhood hero’s, countless bands and projects came and went while crumbling music companies, the internet and "Free Music" seemed to unravel the very idea of everything i built, sleeping couch to couch and in rehearsal studios with pennies in my pocket was a way of life for me to a long time, hell, I was even a drum tech for Tommy Lee of Motley Crue for a while. I fought most of my life for a dream I was sold as a kid but somewhere along the way i think i lost the point…. or maybe I just became to bitter to remember it. Suffice it to say, somewhere in all that mess, I actually became a songwriter. Not book taught, but life taught. A task, I’m sure, anyone with the ability to reflect and learn from their own experiences is quite capable of achieving to some degree or other.

In some way shape or form, photography has always been there too. I mention this all to you today because it’s relevant to this photo and the strange coincidences i see in my life and with Ansels. From what i could gather on his thoughts regarding music and the business of music…. lets just say I can relate to the quietness and calm beauty he felt in the high country, the simple and effortless poetry of natural occurrences taking place between light and dark…. that feeling of truly living…. the magnetic lure of the Sierras….. as well as his own struggles and observations between the two mediums. Not to compare myself with him at all…. it’s just that it was nice to hear it from someone else for a change.

Lastly, I mention all this because the color performance of this image has always bothered me. It was always missing something….. it’s wasn’t until I made a black and white version that it hit me…. "the felling" so aptly put by Ansel in his documentary. I mean, I knew I liked the B&W version, but up until I watched the documentary, I didn’t really know WHY i liked it. The "FEELING" of this moment. It was late in the day and sharp angled sunlight was painting over this field… like sparkling ferry dust… so vividly liquid I swear I could drink it up at the moment. These ashy golden grasses swaying in the sierra breeze, sprawled out over acres of loose sandy earth…. twinkling. The wind was so deafeningly loud, yet I felt so small and overcome with quietness….. Just a part of it all now. What a feeling… i reached down and grabbed a handful of sand and admired it slipping thru my fingertips. I think this black and white image, void of any golden color, feels right to me. Yes, it just feels right and that’s good enough for me today.


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Parque Villa-Lobos
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Image by Rodrigo_Soldon
O parque Villa-Lobos é um parque público, localizado no bairro Alto de Pinheiros, às margens do rio Pinheiros, na cidade de São Paulo, Brasil. A entrada principal do parque situa-se na avenida Prof. Fonseca Rodrigues.

Inaugurado no final de 1994, o parque foi originalmente projetado para ser um oásis musical – uma homenagem ao compositor Heitor Villa-Lobos, mas hoje é muito procurado para caminhadas, passeios de bicicletas e um oásis para os patinadores. Uma de suas atrações é o espaço livre, em grande parte pavimentado, próprio para corridas de bicicletas. pista de cooper e a ciclovia são bem pavimentadas e planas, facilitando o acesso e mobilidade de todos, inclusive pessoas com carrinhos de bebês e pessoas em cadeiras de rodas.

El parque Villa-Lobos es un importante espacio verde de la ciudad de São Paulo, Brasil. Se encuenta en la costa izquierda del río Pinheiros, cerca del puente de Jaguaré. Fue inaugurado a fines de 1994 y su entrada principal es por la Avenida Fonseca Rodrigues.

Posee 732 mil m² de área verde, ciclovía, espacio de juegos, espacio musical para shows y concertos; y un bosque de Mata Atlántica. El área de recreación incluye también aparatos de gimnasia, pista de atletismo, aros de básquetbol, 3 canchas de fútbol sala, 7 de tenis, además de canchas polideportivas, 4 campos de fútbol, 2,4 km de pistas para caminatas, 1,5 km de ciclovía. Un anfiteatro abierto de 729 m², con 450 lugares, baños adaptados para discapacitados, un pequeño bar y 750 plazas para estacionar. El parque es sede del Abierto de São Paulo, un torneo internacional de tenis de categoría challenger. Se promueven con periodicidad distintos eventos musicales, especialmente instrumentales, como orquestas, grupos de choro, etc. La seguridad del parque está a cargo de la policía militar, que tiene una base en el lugar.

La cantidad estimada de vistantes es de 3 mil personas por día durante los días hábiles y aproximadamente 25 mil personas por día en los fines de semana. Los visitantes pueden realizar caminatas, paseos en bicicleta o aprovechar la infraestructura para patinar.

Villa-Lobos Park is an important green space in the city of São Paulo, Brazil. It is found in the Pinheiros river left coast, near the bridge of jaguars. Opened in late 1994 and its main entrance is on Avenida Rodrigues Fonseca.

It has 732 000 m² of green space, bike path, playground, space for shows and concerts music, and a forest of Mata Atlantica. The recreation area includes fitness equipment, running track, basketball hoops, 3 football fields, 7 tennis courts plus sports courts, 4 football fields, 2.4 km of trails for walking, 1.5 km of bike path. An amphitheater open of 729 m², with 450 locations, wheelchair accessible bathrooms, a small bar and 750 parking spaces. The park is home to Sao Paulo Open, international tennis tournament challenger category. Different intervals are promoted musical events, particularly instrumental, such as orchestras, choro groups, etc. The safety of the park is in charge of military police, which has a base in place.

The estimated amount of Visitors is 3 thousand people a day during weekdays and about 25 thousand people per day on weekends. Visitors can hike, bike rides or take advantage of infrastructure to skate.

Camp Humphreys readies for more troops, Families – FMWRC – US Army 100727
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Image by familymwr
PHOTO CAPTION: The conditions were just right for Humphreys’ 2nd annual Polar Bear swim here Jan. 9 – 31 degree water, 25 degree outdoor temperature and over 175 people anxious to plunge into the frigid water at Splish and Splash Water Park. Several mission units assigned to Humphreys and even Soldiers from as far away as Camp Casey participated in the year’s Family & Morale, Welfare and Recreation-sponsored event.Fire and Emergency crews monitored the swimmers during the event and heaters and hot chocolate were on hand to help warm up them when they were finished. Photo Courtesy of U.S. Army Garrison Humphreys.


Camp Humphreys readies for more troops, Families
Jul 27, 2010

IF you build it, they will come."

The massive military community rising from the rice paddies in South Korea dwarfs anything Kevin Costner’s character might have envisioned in the movie "Field of Dreams."

The old Camp Humphreys is transforming from a quiet aviation base off the beaten track from Pyongtaek into a major hub for U.S. forces in South Korea. It’s part of a major realignment of the 28,500 servicemembers in Korea, with nearly all of them scheduled to move south of the Han River within the next several years.

All but a tiny residual force will leave U.S. Army Garrison Yongsan, current home to U.S. Forces Korea and Combined Forces Korea in the heart of Seoul, and the 2nd Infantry Division and its supporting elements will relocate from Camp Casey and its tiny satellite bases north of the capital.

Most will consolidate at Camp Humphreys, where a U.S. military base is being built that’s unlike anything ever seen before on the Korean peninsula.

The project is moving forward, full speed ahead, Gen. Walter "Skip" Sharp, commander of U.S. Forces Korea, reported to the House Armed Services Committee in March.

"We are on track, over the next five or six years, to complete all of the construction down there," he told the panel. "We will actually start moving down there in 2012, and then phase that in over the next several years following that."

Sharp resisted setting a definitive timetable for completion, but said the effort is on the fast track.

"We’re trying to do it as quickly as possible, to be able to return this land to the Republic of Korea and to consolidate our forces to improve the quality of life for our servicemembers," he told Congress.

At Humphreys, Col. Joseph Moore, the garrison commander, gets excited talking about the enormity of the project and the unprecedented quality of life it will offer.

Initial plans called for the post’s population to more than quadruple from the current 10,000, which includes 4,200 military members and about 2,500 U.S. civilian employees, contractors and Family members. But a new dynamic added to the mix just as the relocation plan was being launched-the normalization of tours in South Korea-is expected to further increase the scope of the project, Moore said.

Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates announced in December the extension of tour lengths in Korea. Under the normalization plan, single servicemembers will serve two-year tours, and married troops who bring their Families will stay for three years.

So instead of about 1,900 Family members currently here, and about 15,000 expected to arrive as U.S. forces relocate south and more command-sponsored slots are offered, Moore estimates that the post ultimately could become home to as many as 30,000 Family members, swelling the base’s total population to more than 62,000.

Bulldozers are busy at work preparing for their arrival. The result will be a brand-new installation, unrecognizable to anyone who has served in the hodgepodge of buildings built at Humphreys over the decades to accommodate troops serving one-year, unaccompanied tours.

Seventy percent of those existing buildings will be razed, explained Todd Dirmeyer, chief master planner for the project. Replacing them will be a state-of-the-art community planned from the ground up to accommodate servicemembers and their Families. The new Humphreys complex will dwarf the current post, tripling its size to almost 3,600 acres and providing about 30 million square feet in finished building space, compared to the current 4 million.

For comparison’s sake, Fort Bliss, Texas, the U.S. installation experiencing the most growth due to base realignment and closure mandates, is adding 13 million square feet of facilities, Moore noted.

"It really is an awesome thing, if you think about it, because we are going to build a city here," he said. "This is like starting with a blank canvas that considers the whole of the property and the timing of the demolition and construction. At the end of it, we will have essentially a new installation, instead of a new one adjoined to an old one."

That new installation will provide state-of-the-art unit training, maintenance and equipment storage facilities, as well as modern housing, dining and recreational amenities, Dirmeyer said.

The plan incorporates lessons from Fort Bliss and other BRAC installations, from the multi-story post exchange that’s proven successful at Kadena Air Base, Japan, and from the transformation Moore oversaw at the Grafenwoehr Training Area in Germany.

"This represents a new vision, with efficient and thoughtful facility placement," Dirmeyer said, as he looked over a map of the post dotted with different-colored squares and rectangles representing facilities to be built.

"The maneuver and training areas designated for local training are situated away from the housing, recreational and commercial areas. The industrial areas and vehicle maintenance facilities are away from those areas," he said. "Troop housing is within walking distance of working areas. Family housing is in a commercial area, with Family-friendly facilities and schools within walking distance or an easy commute."

Barracks will be the popular "one plus one" design, in which servicemembers have private bedrooms and bathrooms, but share a common living area. A private company will pay for, build and manage most Family housing units, similar to the residential communities initiative being used at stateside posts.

A downtown shopping area, built around a food, beverage and entertainment complex, will give garrison residents a sense of Hometown USA, Dirmeyer said. An aquatics park that opened in 2006 already has proven to be a big hit, as well as the new community fitness center, affectionately called the "Super Gym."

While providing these and other quality-of-life amenities, the planners took pains to preserve green spaces. Walkways connect living and working areas, and ball fields, picnic areas and a riverfront jogging path will beckon residents outdoors.

Even with his latest challenge-accommodating an additional 15,000 Family members due to tour normalization-Moore is committed to preserving sweeping outdoor areas. "We’re looking at a lot of different options, and we have a lot of ideas," he said. "What we don’t want is to sacrifice what is really a great plan by plugging additional buildings in almost randomly."

As these final decisions are made, Humphreys is buzzing with construction activity.

Eighteen construction projects, with a contract value of .2 billion, already are under way on the existing post. Another 57 projects are in the planning and design process.

Meanwhile, a massive effort is under way to build up the rice paddies surrounding the post to accommodate the new construction. The land needs to be built up almost 15 feet to bring it above the 50-year flood plain, Moore said.

That, Dirmeyer explained, takes a lot of dirt.

"On a busy day this summer, you would see upward of 3,000 vehicles in a single day, bringing dirt in here," he said. "If you took all the mileage from the first truck to the very last truck required to do this land expansion, it would equal 17 round-trips to the moon. And if you took all the fill, it would fill the Hoover Dam." As the land is built up, giant piles are being driven into the ground to provide a stable building site.

As the planning and building processes take place, Moore said, the biggest challenge is ensuring it never interferes with the U.S. mission here.

"My first goal is to support General Sharp’s first priority: to be prepared to fight tonight," he said. "So everything we do has to be connected to that first goal. We cannot do something that would interrupt a unit’s ability to do its mission."

The effort here also supports Sharp’s priority of strengthening the U.S.-South Korea alliance because of the cooperative way it’s being planned, funded and built, Moore said.

Moore said he’s particularly proud of the quality-of-life improvements the new U.S. Army Garrison Humphreys will provide U.S. servicemembers and their Families, fulfilling Sharp’s third command priority.

Ultimately, Moore said he expects Humphreys to be the assignment of choice for U.S. forces, who will come to see it as the best place to serve in South Korea.

"This ought to sell itself. We ought not have to sell Humphreys," he said. "If we do it well, it will sell itself, and servicemembers will tell other servicemembers that this is a great place to live."

Donna Miles writes for the American Forces Press Service, Defense Media Activity. This story was originally featured at Defense.gov.

Humphreys home to first American water park (by Steven Hoover)

SINCE May 2007, members of the U.S. Army Garrison Humphreys community have marked the beginning of the summer season by participating in activities at the Splish and Splash Water Park, the first park of its kind on an Army installation in Korea.

Operated by Family and Morale, Welfare and Recreation, the park was specifically designed to provide the excitement of a typical American water park. It has all the basic necessities: two water slides, a zero-entry water play area, children’s pool and water fort, and an Olympic-size pool. There is also a hot tub, snack bar, outdoor volleyball court, one- and three-meter diving boards, an amphitheatre, water basketball area and locker rooms.

Near the children’s play area is a snack bar and umbrella-covered tables, where parents can relax while their little ones play in the pools. The children’s area has a zero-entry pool design, which allows them a gradual entry into the pool instead of a sudden drop off into the water.

Patrons travel from all over the peninsula to use the facility.

Although the park gets the bulk of its usage during the summer season, it opens in January for the annual Polar Bear Swim. This year, about 200 people participated in the event.


George Anastaplo ~ Right of Revolution ~ RIP My Friend
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Image by Viewminder
Before I made the acquaintance of George Anastaplo I saw him walking down the street in Chicago’s Hyde Park neighborhood.

There was something about him that caught my eye… something about the way that he walked and the way that he smiled… there was something about his spirit… there was something that I wanted to capture.

George has what I like to call ‘The Magic Mojo.’

I wanted to pop him right there on the street but I was late in getting to a very special dinner with some great friends.

I had to let the urge go.

I regretted my artistic inaction the moment I passed him on the street there.

Fortunately the regret would be short lived.

In one of those funny little twists of fate that life seems to lay on me… when we got to the dinner George ended up being seated right next to me.

He’s a fascinating guy.

A great storyteller, I really enjoyed the conversation that we shared as we sat there at the table.

‘While most lawyers go through an entire career without getting the opportunity to argue before the U.S. Supreme Court, George Anastaplo did so without entering the legal profession—and then, he likes to say, he retired.’ ~ Maria Kantzavelos, Chicago Daily Law Bulletin, April 25, 2011, page 1

George completed his undergraduate degree in only one year at the University of Chicago.

It took me longer than that to pay my overdue library fines from freshman year.

In 1951 he graduated at the top of his law school class.

I would have liked to have sat next to him.

In 1964 George completed his doctorate at the University of Chicago’s Committee on Social Thought.

Since then he’s written more than 20 books on a multitude of subjects.

"A longtime Loyola University Chicago School of Law professor who today teaches courses in constitutional law and jurisprudence, Anastaplo became an eclectic scholar and teacher" ~ Maria Kantzavelos

‘Fifty years ago Sunday, on April 24, 1961, the U.S. Supreme Court rendered a decision that affirmed the decision of the Illinois Supreme Court to deny Anastaplo admission to the Illinois bar because he refused to answer questions asked by the bar’s character committee about political associations.’ ~ Maria Kantzavelos

When George graduated from law school and he interviewed for admission into the Illinois Bar Association he had to be questioned in front of the ‘character committee’ they asked ‘do you think a communist should be admitted into the bar of this state?’

George’s answer?

‘Well, why not?’

Then they asked George if he was now or was ever a member of the Communist Party.

George didn’t feel that he should answer that question and because of that conviction they wouldn’t give him admission into the Illinois Bar and he couldn’t practice law even though the dude graduated at the top of his class. Hmmmmph.

‘Had he gone along with the process, things could have turned out differently for Anastaplo, who was being considered for a position at one of the big law firms in town.’ ~ Maria Kantzavelos

But that didn’t stop the fiesty twenty five year old.

He fought over the next ten years, ultimately laying out his case in front of the United States Supreme Court.

He argued there as a lawyer without a license!

‘In 1954 petitioner, George Anastaplo, an instructor and research assistant at the University of Chicago, having previously passed his Illinois bar examinations, was denied admission to the bar of that State by the Illinois Supreme Court. The denial was based upon his refusal to answer questions of the Committee on Character and Fitness as to whether he was a member of the Communist Party.’ ~ 366 U.S. 82 IN RE ANASTAPLO

‘The ensuing lengthy proceedings before the Committee, at which Anastaplo was the only witness, are perhaps best described as a wide-ranging exchange between the Committee and Anastaplo in which the Committee sought to explore Anastaplo’s ability conscientiously to swear support of the Federal and State Constitutions, as required by the Illinois attorneys’ oath, and Anastaplo undertook to expound and defend, on historical and ideological premises, his abstract belief in the ‘right of revolution,’ and to resist, on grounds of asserted constitutional right and scruple, Committee questions which he deemed improper. The Committee already had before it uncontroverted evidence as to Anastaplo’s ‘good moral character,’ in the form of written statements or affidavits furnished by persons of standing acquainted with him, and the record on rehearing contains nothing which could properly be considered as reflecting adversely upon his character or reputation or on the sincerity of the beliefs he espoused before the Committee. Anastaplo persisted, however, in refusing to answer, among other inquiries, the Committee’s questions as to his possible membership in the Communist Party or in other allegedly related organizations. ~ 366 U.S. 82 IN RE ANASTAPLO

Thereafter the Committee, by a vote of 11 to 6, again declined to certify Anastaplo because of his refusal to answer such questions, the majority stating in its report to the Illinois Supreme Court:

‘his (Anastaplo’s) failure to reply, in our view, obstructs the lawful processes of the Committee, prevents inquiry into subjects which bear intimately upon the issue of character and fitness, such as loyalty to our basic institutions, belief in representative government and bona fides of the attorney’s oath and results in his failure to meet the burden of establishing that he possesses the good moral character and fitness to practice law, which are conditions to the granting of a license to practice law.

‘We draw no inference of disloyalty or subversion from applicant’s continued refusal to answer questions concerning Communist or other subversive affiliations. We do, however, hold that there is a strong public interest in our being free to question applicants for admission to the bar on their adherence to our basic institutions and form of government and that such public interest in the character of its attorneys overrides an applicant’s private interest in keeping such views to himself. By failing to respond to this higher public interest we hold that the applicant has obstructed the proper functions of the Committee. We cannot certify the applicant as worthy of the trust and confidence of the public when we do not know that he is so worthy and when he has prevented us from finding out.’

At the same time the full Committee acknowledged that Anastaplo ‘is well regarded by his academic associates, by professors who had taught him in school and by members of the Bar who know him personally’; that it had ‘not been supplied with any information by any third party which is derogatory to Anastaplo’s character or general reputation. ~ ~ 366 U.S. 82 IN RE ANASTAPLO


‘United States Supreme Court

366 U.S. 82


No. 58. Argued: December 14, 1960. — Decided: April 24, 1961.


Mr. Justice BLACK, with whom THE CHIEF JUSTICE, Mr. Justice DOUGLAS and Mr. Justice BRENNAN concur, dissenting.

The petitioner George Anastaplo has been denied the right to practice law in the State of Illinois for refusing to answer questions about his views and associations. I think this action by the State violated rights guaranteed to him by the First and Fourteenth Amendments. The reasons which lead me to this conclusion are largely the same as those expressed in my dissenting opinion in Konigsberg v. State Bar of California, 366 U.S. at page 56, 81 S.Ct. at page 1010. But this case provides such a striking illustration of the destruction that can be inflicted upon individual liberty when this Court fails to enforce the First Amendment to the full extent of its express and unequivocal terms that I think it deserves separate treatment.

The controversy began in November 1950, when Anastaplo, a student at the University of Chicago Law School, having two months previously successfully passed the Illinos Bar examination, appeared before the State’s Committee on Character and Fitness for the usual interview preliminary to admission to the Bar. The personal history form required by state law had been filled out and filed with the Committee prior to his appearance and showed that Anastaplo was an unusually worthy applicant for admission. His early life had been spent in a small town in southern Illinois where his parents, who had immigrated to this country from Greece before his birth, still resided. After having received his precollege education in the public schools of his home town, he had discontinued his education, at the age of eighteen, and joined the Air Force during the middle of World War II-flying as a navigator in every major theater of the military operations of that war. Upon receiving an honorable discharge in 1947, he had come to Chicago and resumed his education, obtaining his undergraduate degree at the University of Chicago and entering immediately into the study of law at the University of Chicago Law School. His record throughout his life, both as a student and as a citizen, was unblemished.

The personal history form thus did not contain so much as one statement of fact about Anastaplo’s past life or conduct that could have, in any way, cast doubt upon his fitness for admission to the Bar. It did, however, contain a statement of opinion which, in the minds of some of the members of the Committee at least, did cast such doubt and in that way served to touch off this controversy. This was a statement made by Anastaplo in response to the command of the personal history form: ‘State what you consider to be the principles underlying the Constitution of the United States.’ Anastaplo’s response to that command was as follows:

‘One principle consists of the doctrine of the separation of powers; thus, among the Executive, Legislative, and Judiciary are distributed various functions and powers in a manner designed to provide for a balance of power, thereby intending to prevent totally unrestrained action by any one branch of government. Another basic principle (and the most important) is that such government is constituted so as to secure certain inalienable rights, those rights to Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness (and elements of these rights are explicitly set forth in such parts of the Constitution as the Bill of Rights.). And, of course, whenever the particular government in power becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it and thereupon to establish a new government. This is how I view the Constitution.’

When Anastaplo appeared before a two-man Subcommittee of the Committee on Character and Fitness, one of its members almost immediately engaged him in a discussion relating to the meaning of these italicized words which were substantially taken from that part of the Declaration of Independence set out below. This discussion soon developed into an argument as Anastaplo stood by his statement and insisted that if a government gets bad enough, the people have a ‘right of revolution.’ It was at this juncture in the proceedings that the other member of the Subcommittee interrupted with the question: ‘Are you a member of any organization that is listed on the Attorney General’s list, to your knowledge?’ And this question was followed up a few moments later with the question: ‘Are you a member of the Communist Party?’ A colloquy then ensued between Anastaplo and the two members of the Subcommittee as to the legitimacy of the questions being asked, Anastaplo insisting that these questions were not reasonably related to the Committee’s functions and that they violated his rights under the Constitution, and the members of the Subcommittee insisting that the questions were entirely legitimate.

The Subcommittee then refused to certify Anastaplo for admission to the Bar but, instead, set a further hearing on the matter before the full Committee. That next hearing, as well as all of the hearings that followed, have been little more than repetitions of the first. The rift between Anastaplo and the Committee has grown ever wider with each successive hearing. Anastaplo has stead-fastly refused to answer any questions put by the Committee which inquired into his political associations or religious beliefs. A majority of the members of the Committee, faced with this refusal, has grown more and more insistent that it has the right to force him to answer any question it sees fit to ask. The result has been a series of hearings in which questions have been put to Anastaplo with regard to his ‘possible’ association with scores of organizations, including the Ku Klux Klan, the Silver Shirts (an allegedly Fascist organization), every organization on the so-called Attorney General’s list, the Democratic Party, the Republican Party, and the Communist Party. At one point in the proceedings, at least two of the members of the Committee insisted that he tell the Committee whether he believes in a Supreme Being and one of these members stated that, as far as his vote was concerned, a man’s ‘belief in the Deity * * * has a substantial bearing upon his fitness to practice law.’

It is true, as the majority points out, that the Committee did not expressly rest its refusal to certify Anastaplo for admission to the Bar either upon his views on the ‘right of revolution,’ as that ‘right’ is defined in the Declaration of Independence, or upon his refusal to disclose his beliefs with regard to the existence of God, [4] or upon his refusals to disclose any of his political associations other than his ‘possible’ association with the Communist Party. But it certainly cannot be denied that the other questions were asked and, since we should not presume that these members of the Committee did not want answers to their questions, it seems certain that Anastaplo’s refusal to answer them must have had some influence upon the final outcome of the hearings. In any case, when the Committee did vote, 11-6, not to certify Anastaplo for admission, not one member who asked any question Anastaplo had refused to answer voted in his favor.

The reasons for Anastaplo’s position have been stated by him time and again-first, to the Committee and, later, in the briefs and oral arguments he presented in his own behalf, both before this Court and before the Supreme Court of Illinois. From a legal standpoint, his position throughout has been that the First Amendment gave him a right not to disclose his political associations or his religious beliefs to the Committee. But his decision to refuse to disclose these associations and beliefs went much deeper than a bare reliance upon what he considered to be his legal rights. The record shows that his refusal to answer the Committee’s question stemmed primarily from his belief that he had a duty, both to society and to the legal profession, not to submit to the demands of the Committee because he believed that the questions had been asked solely for the purpose of harassing him because he had expressed agreement with the assertion of the right of revolution against an evil government set out in the Declaration of Independence. His position was perhaps best stated before the Committee in his closing remarks at the final session:

‘It is time now to close. Differences between us remain. I leave to others the sometimes necessary but relatively easy task of praising Athens to Athenians. Besides, you should want no higher praise than what I have said about the contribution the bar can make to republican government. The bar deserves no higher praise until it makes that contribution. You should be grateful that I have not made a complete submission to you, even though I have cooperated as fully as good conscience permits. To the extent I have not submitted, to that extent have I contributed to the solution of one of the most pressing problems that you, as men devoted to character and fitness, must face. This is the problem of selecting the standards and methods the bar must employ if it is to help preserve and nourish that idealism, that vital interest in the problem of justice, that so often lies at the heart of the intelligent and sensitive law student’s choice of career. This is an idealism which so many things about the bar, and even about bar admission practices, discourage and make unfashionable to defend or retain. The worthiest men live where the rewards of virtue are greatest.

‘I leave with you men of Illinois the suggestion that you do yourselves and the bar the honor, as well as the service, of anticipating what I trust will be the judgment of our most thoughtful judges. I move therefore that you recommend to the Supreme Court of Illinois that I be admitted to the bar of this State. And I suggest that this recommendation be made retroactive to November 10, 1950 when a young Air Force veteran first was so foolish as to continue to serve his country by daring to defend against a committee on character and fitness the teaching of the Declaration of Independence on the right of revolution.’

The reasons for the Committee’s position are also clear. Its job, throughout these proceedings, has been to determine whether Anastaplo is possessed of the necessary good moral character to justify his admission to the Bar of Illinois. In that regard, the Committee has been given the benefit of voluminous affidavits from men of standing in their professions and in the community that Anastaplo is possessed of an unusually fine character. Dr. Alexander Meiklejohn, Professor of Philosophy, Emeritus, at the University of Wisconsin, for example, described Anastaplo as ‘intellectually able, a hard, thorough student and moved by high devotion to the principles of freedom and justice.’ Professor Malcolm P. Sharp of the University of Chicago Law School stated: ‘No question has ever been raised about his honesty or his integrity, and his general conduct, characterized by friendliness, quiet independence, industry and courage, is reflected in his reputation.’ Professor Roscoe T. Steffen of the University of Chicago Law School said: ‘I know of no one who doubts his honesty and integrity.’ Yves R. Simon, Professor of Philosophy at the University of Chicago, said: ‘I consider Anastaplo as a young man of the most distinguished and lofty moral character. Everybody respects him and likes him.’ Angelo G. Geocaris, a practicing attorney in the City of Chicago, said of Anastaplo: ‘His personal code of ethics is unexcelled by any practicing attorney I have met in the state of Illinois.’ Robert J. Coughlan, Division Director of a research project at the University of Chicago, said: ‘His honesty and integrity are, in my opinion, beyond question. I would highly recommend him without the slightest reservation for any position involving the highest or most sacred trust. The applicant is a rare man among us today: he has an inviolable sense of Honor in the great traditions of Greek culture and thought. If admitted to the American Bar, he could do nothing that would not reflect glory on that institution.’

These affidavits and many more like them were presented to the Committee. Most of the statements came from men who knew Anastaplo intimately on the University of Chicago campus where Anastaplo has remained throughout the proceedings here involved, working as a research assistant and as a lecturer in Liberal Arts and studying for an advanced degree in History and Social Sciences. Even at the present time, he is still there preparing his doctoral dissertation which, understandably enough, is tentatively entitled ‘The Historical and Philosophical Background of the First Amendment of the Constitution of the United States.’

The record also shows that the Committee supplemented the information it had obtained about Anastaplo from these affidavits by conducting informal independent investigations into his character and reputation. It sent agents to Anastaplo’s home town in southern Illinois and they questioned the people who knew him there. Similar inquiries were made among those who knew him in Chicago. But these intensive investigations apparently failed to produce so much as one man in Chicago or in the whole State of Illinois who could say or would say, directly, indirectly or even by hearsay, one thing derogatory to the character, loyalty or reputation of George Anastaplo, and not one man could be found who would in any way link him with the Communist Party. This fact is particularly significant in view of the evidence in the record that the Committee had become acquainted with a person who apparently had been a member of a Communist Party cell on the University of Chicago campus and that this person was asked to and did identify for the Committee every member of the Party whom he knew.

In addition to the information it had obtained from the affidavits and from its independent investigations, the Committee had one more important source of information about Anastaplo’s character. It had the opportunity to observe the manner in which he conducted himself during the many hours of hearings before it. That manner, as revealed by the record before us and undenied by any findings of the Committee to the contrary, left absolutely nothing to be desired. Faced with a barrage of sometimes highly provocative and totally irrelevant questions from men openly hostile to his position, Anastaplo invariably responded with all the dignity and restraint attributed to him in the affidavits of his friends. Moreover, it is not amiss to say that he conducted himself in precisely the same manner during the oral argument he presented before this Court.

Thus, it is against the background of a mountain of evidence so favorable to Anastaplo that the word ‘overwhelming’ seems inadequate to describe it that the action of the Committee in refusing to certify Anastaplo as fit for admission to the Bar must be considered. The majority of the Committee rationalized its position on the ground that without answers to some of the questions it had asked, it could not conscientiously perform its duty of determining Anastaplo’s character and fitness to be a lawyer. A minority of the Committee described this explanation as ‘pure sophistry.’ And it is simply impossible to read this record without agreeing with the minority. For, it is difficult to see what possible relevancy answers to the questions could have had in the minds of these members of the Committee after they had received such completely overwhelming proof beyond a reasonable doubt of Anastaplo’s good character and staunch patriotism. I can think of no sound reason for further insistence upon these answers other than the very questionable, but very human, feeling that this young man should not be permitted to resist the Committee’s demands without being compelled to suffer for it in some way.

It is intimated that the Committee’s feeling of resentment might be assuaged and that Anastaplo might even be admitted to the Bar if he would only give in to the demands of the Committee and add the requested test oath to the already overwhelming proof he has submitted to establish his good character and patriotism. In this connection, the Court says: ‘We find nothing to suggest that he would not be admitted now if he decides to answer, assuming of course that no grounds justifying his exclusion from practice resulted. In short, petitioner holds the key to admission in his own hands.’ However well this familiar phrase may fit other cases, it does not fit this one. For the attitude of the Committee, as revealed by the transcript of its hearings, does not support a belief that Anastaplo can gain admission to the Illinois Bar merely by answering the Committee’s questions, whatever answers he should give. Indeed, the Committee’s own majority report discloses that Anastaplo’s belief in the ‘right of revolution’ was regarded as raising ‘a serious question’ in the minds of a majority of the Committee with regard to his fitness to practice law and that ‘certain’ members of that majority (how many, we cannot know) have already stated categorically that they will not vote to admit an applicant who expresses such views. Nor does the opinion of the Illinois Supreme Court indicate that Anastaplo ‘holds the key to admission in his own hands.’ Quite the contrary, that court’s opinion evidences an almost insuperable reluctance to upset the findings of the Committee. Certainly, that opinion contains nothing that even vaguely resembles the sort of implicit promise that would justify the belief asserted by the majority here. And, finally, I see nothing in the majority opinion of this Court, nor in the majority opinions in the companion cases decided today, that would justify a belief that this Court would unlock the door that blocks his admission to the Illinois Bar if Anastaplo produced the ‘key’ and the state authorities refused to use it.

The opinion of the majority already recognizes that there is not one scrap of evidence in the record before us ‘which could properly be considered as reflecting adversely upon his (Anastaplo’s) character or reputation or on the sincerity of the beliefs he espoused before the Committee,’ and that the Committee had not received any "information from any outside source which would cast any doubt on applicant’s loyalty or which would tend to connect him in any manner with any subversive group." The majority opinion even concedes that Anastaplo was correct in urging that the questions asked by the Committee impinged upon the freedoms of speech and association guaranteed by the First and Fourteenth Amendments. But, the opinion then goes on to hold that Anastaplo can nonetheless be excluded from the Bar pursuant to ‘the State’s interest in having lawyers who are devoted to the law in its broadest sense .’ I cannot regard that holding, as applied to a man like Anastaplo, as in any way justified. Consider it, for example, in the context of the following remarks of Anastaplo to the Committee-remarks the sincerity of which the majority does not deny:

‘I speak of a need to remind the bar of its traditions and to keep alive the spirit of dignified but determined advocacy and opposition. This is not only for the good of the bar, of course, but also because of what the bar means to American republican government. The bar when it exercises self-control is in a peculiar position to mediate between popular passions and informed and principled men, thereby upholding republican government. Unless there is this mediation, intelligent and responsible government is unlikely. The bar, furthermore, is in a peculiar position to apply to our daily lives the constitutional principles which nourish for this country its inner life. Unless there is this nourishment, a just and humane people is impossible. The bar is, in short, in a position to train and lead by precept and example the American people.’

These are not the words of a man who lacks devotion to ‘the law in its broadest sense.’

The majority, apparently considering this fact irrelevant because the State might possibly have an interest in learning more about its Bar applicants, decides that Anastaplo can properly be denied admission to the Bar by purporting to ‘balance’ the interest of the State of Illinois in ‘having lawyers who are devoted to the law in its broadest sense’ against the interest of Anastaplo and the public in protecting the freedoms of the First Amendment, concluding, as it usually does when it engages in this process, that ‘on balance’ the interest of Illinois must prevail. If I had ever doubted that the ‘balancing test’ comes close to being a doctrine of governmental absolutism-that to ‘balance’ an interest in individual liberty means almost inevitably to destroy that liberty-those doubts would have been dissipated by this case. For this so-called ‘balancing test’-which, as applied to the First Amendment, means that the freedoms of speech, press, assembly, religion and petition can be repressed whenever there is a sufficient governmental interest in doing so-here proves pitifully and pathetically inadequate to cope with an invasion of individual liberty so plainly unjustified that even the majority apparently feels compelled expressly to disclaim ‘any view upon the wisdom of the State’s action.’

I, of course, wholeheartedly agree with the statement of the majority that this Court should not, merely on the ground that such action is unwise, interfere with governmental action that is within the constitutional powers of that government. But I am no less certain that this Court should not permit governmental action that plainly abridges constitutionally protected rights of the People merely because a majority believes that on ‘balance’ it is better, or ‘wiser,’ to abridge those rights than to leave them free. The inherent vice of the ‘balancing test’ is that it purports to do just that. In the context of its reliance upon the ‘balancing test,’ the Court’s disclaimer of ‘any view upon the wisdom of the State’s action’ here thus seems to me to be wholly inconsistent with the only ground upon which it has decided this case.

Nor can the majority escape from this inconsistency on the ground that the ‘balancing test’ deals only with the question of the importance of the existence of governmental power as a general matter without regard to the importance of its exercise in a particular case. For in Barenblatt v. United States the same majority made it clear that the ‘balancing test’ is to be applied to the facts of each particular case (360 U.S. 109, 79 S.Ct. 1093): ‘Where First Amendment rights are asserted to bar governmental interrogation resolution of the issue always involves a balancing by the courts of the competing private and public interests at stake in the particular circumstances shown.’ Thus the Court not only ‘balances’ the respective values of two competing policies as a general matter, but also ‘balances’ the wisdom of those policies in ‘the particular circumstances shown.’ Thus, the Court has reserved to itself the power to permit or deny abridgement of First Amendment freedoms according to its own view of whether repression or freedom is the wiser governmental policy under the circumstances of each case.

The effect of the Court’s ‘balancing’ here is that any State may now reject an applicant for admission to the Bar if he believes in the Declaration of Independence as strongly as Anastaplo and if he is willing to sacrifice his career and his means of livelihood in defense of the freedoms of the First Amendment. But the men who founded this country and wrote our Bill of Rights were strangers neither to a belief in the ‘right of revolution’ nor to the urgency of the need to be free from the control of government with regard to political beliefs and associations. Thomas Jefferson was not disclaiming a belief in the ‘right of revolution’ when he wrote the Declaration of Independence. And Patrick Henry was certainly not disclaiming such a belief when he declared in impassioned words that have come on down through the years: ‘Give me liberty or give me death.’ This country’s freedom was won by men who, whether they believed in it or not, certainly practiced revolution in the Revolutionary War.

Since the beginning of history there have been governments that have engaged in practices against the people so bad, so cruel, so unjust and so destructive of the individual dignity of men and women that the ‘right of revolution’ was all the people had left to free themselves. As simple illustrations, one government almost 2,000 years ago burned Christians upon fiery crosses and another government, during this very century, burned Jews in crematories. I venture the suggestion that there are countless multitudes in this country, and all over the world, who would join Anastaplo’s belief in the right of the people to resist by force tyrranical governments like those.

In saying what I have, it is to be borne in mind that Anastaplo has not indicated, even remotely, a belief that this country is an oppressive one in which the ‘right of revolution’ should be exercised. Quite the contrary, the entire course of his life, as disclosed by the record, has been one of devotion and service to his country-first, in his willingness to defend its security at the risk of his own life in time of war and, later, in his willingness to defend its freedoms at the risk of his professional career in time of peace. The one and only time in which he has come into conflict with the Government is when he refused to answer the questions put to him by the Committee about his beliefs and associations. And I think the record clearly shows that conflict resulted, not from any fear on Anastaplo’s part to divulge his own political activities, but from a sincere, and in my judgment correct, conviction that the preservation of this country’s freedom depends upon adherence to our Bill of Rights. The very most that can fairly be said against Anastaplo’s position in this entire matter is that he took too much of the responsibility of preserving that freedom upon himself.

This case illustrates to me the serious consequences to the Bar itself of not affording the full protections of the First Amendment to its applicants for admission. For this record shows that Anastaplo has many of the qualities that are needed in the American Bar. It shows, not only that Anastaplo has followed a high moral, ethical and patriotic course in all of the activities of his life, but also that he combines these more common virtues with the uncommon virtue of courage to stand by his principles at any cost. It is such men as these who have most greatly honored the profession of the law-men like Malsherbes, who, at the cost of his own life and the lives of his family, sprang unafraid to the defense of Louis XVI against the fanatical leaders of the Revolutionary government of France -men like Charles Evans Hughes, Sr., later Mr. Chief Justice Hughes, who stood up for the constitutional rights of socialists to be socialists and public officials despite the threats and clamorous protests of self-proclaimed superpatriots -men like Charles Evans Hughes, Jr., and John W. Davis, who, while against everything for which the Communists stood, strongly advised the Congress in 1948 that it would be unconstitutional to pass the law then proposed to outlaw the Communist Party -men like Lord Erskine, James Otis, Clarence Darrow, and the multitude of others who have dared to speak in defense of causes and clients without regard to personal danger to themselves. The legal profession will lose much of its nobility and its glory if it is not constantly replenished with lawyers like these. To force the Bar to become a group of thoroughly orthodox, time-serving, government-fearing individuals is to humiliate and degrade it.

But that is the present trend, not only in the legal profession but in almost every walk of life. Too many men are being driven to become government-fearing and time-serving because the Government is being permitted to strike out at those who are fearless enough to think as they please and say what they think. This trend must be halted if we are to keep faith with the Founders of our Nation and pass on to future generations of Americans the great heritage of freedom which they sacrificed so much to leave to us. The choice is clear to me. If we are to pass on that great heritage of freedom, we must return to the original language of the Bill of Rights. We must not be afraid to be free’

‘ if a government gets bad enough, the people have a ‘right of revolution.’ ~ George Anastaplo

That’s why I like you George… what you just said right up there… you’re a principled man and a patriot… you’re a fiesty guy indeed as the following exchange points out…

This is from the transcript of the committee questioning George…

‘Commissioner Mitchell: When you say ‘believe in revolution,’ you don’t limit that revolution to an overthrow of a particular political party or a political government by means of an election process or other political means?

‘Mr. Anastaplo: I mean actual use of force.

‘Commissioner Mitchell: You mean to go as far as necessary?

‘Mr. Anastaplo: As far as Washington did, for instance.

‘Commissioner Mitchell: So that would it be fair to say that you believe the end result would justify any means that were used?

‘Mr. Anastaplo: No, the means proportionate to the particular end in sight.

‘Commissioner Mitchell: Well, is there any difference from your answer and my question?

‘Mr. Anastaplo: Did you ask-

‘Commissioner Mitchell: I asked you whether you thought that you believe that if a change, or overthrow of the government were justified, that any means could be used to accomplish that end.

‘Mr. Anastaplo: Now, let’s say in this positive concrete situation-I am not quite sure what it means in abstract.

‘Commissioner Mitchell: I will ask you in detail. You believe that assuming the government should be overthrown, in your opinion, that you and others of like mind would be justified in raising a company of men with military equipment and proceed to take over the government of the United States, of the State of Illinois?

‘By shaking your head do you mean yes?

‘Mr. Anastaplo: If you get to the point where overthrow is necessary, then overthrow is justified. It just means that you overthrow the government by force.

‘Commissioner Mitchell: And would that also include in your mind justification for putting a spy into the administrative department, one or another of the administrative departments of the United States or the government of the State of Illinois?

‘Mr. Anastaplo: If you got to the point you think the government should be overthrown, I think that would be a legitimate means.

‘Commissioner Mitchell: There isn’t any difference in your mind in the propriety of using a gun or using a spy?

‘Mr. Anastaplo: I think spies have been used in quite honorable causes.

‘Commissioner Mitchell: Your answer is, you do think so?

‘Mr. Anastaplo: Yes.

‘Commissioner Baker: Let me ask you a question. Are you aware of the fact that the Department of Justice has a list of what are described as subversive organizations?

‘Mr. Anastaplo: Yes.

‘Commissioner Baker: Have you ever seen that list?

‘Mr. Anastaplo: Yes.

‘Commissioner Baker: Are you a member of any organization that is listed on the Attorney General’s list, to your knowledge? (No answer.) Just to keep you from having to work so hard mentally on it, what organizations-give me all the organizations you are affiliated with or are a member of. (No answer.) That oughtn’t to be too hard.

‘Mr. Anastaplo: Do you believe that is a legitimate question?

‘Commissioner Baker: Yes, I do. We are inquiring into not only your character, but your fitness, under Rule 58. We don’t compel you to answer it. Are you a member of the Communist Party?’

George lost the case at the US Supreme Court but it was his principled approach to not answering the question in the first place and his ten year battle to overcome the ramifications of that refusal that earned him the respect of many who respect a person who lives a principle centered life.

He never would practice law, but he would become a passionate and inspiring teacher according to many.

He’s been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize twelve times.

And they sat him down for dinner next to ‘Viewminder’ a street photographer… who was only nominated for the Peace Prize once… by himself.

Crowned ‘The Socrates of Chicago’ George has written more books than some of the people I know have read…

"He has written books and articles analyzing the influence of Greek literature on American politics, on the Thinker as Artist, and the Artist as Thinker, on the O. J. Simpson trial, on lights at Wrigley Field, on McCarthyism, on hate speech, on lawyers, on judges, on the Bible, on ethics, on Abraham Lincoln, on the remodeling of Soldier field, and I have only touched the surface of his eclecticism. ~ ‘George Anastaplo’ by Abner Mikva

George Anastaplo I admire you.

You saw something that was wrong and you refused to be a part of it…

Even if that meant it would create difficulty in your life and in your pursuit of the career that you studied so long and hard for.

You stood true to your convictions.

You stood up for what you believe in.

You never backed down.

You’re an inspiring man and a patriot George Anastaplo.

They outta give out a prize for that.

Faces on the street
Chicago 7.9.11
35mm 1.8 SOOC with a ping of contrast


Cool Weight Lifting Program images

A few nice weight lifting program images I found:

HathaYoga Championships -Bikram-Ron Sombilon Gallery (520)
weight lifting program
Bikram Lecture and 2009 Western Canadian Hatha Yoga Championships

Art of Bikrams and photos by Ron Sombilon Gallery


Art of Bikrams coming soon…

HathaYoga Championships -Bikram-Ron Sombilon Gallery (221)
weight lifting program
Bikram Lecture and 2009 Western Canadian Hatha Yoga Championships

Art of Bikrams and photos by Ron Sombilon Gallery


Art of Bikrams coming soon…